Growth in the immigrant population has long correlated with the state of the labour market, as foreigners are less likely to move to Iceland when fewer jobs are available. Slower immigration is therefore one of many signs of a cooling labour market. For example, registered unemployment measured 4.0% nationwide in July, but underlying that figure is a wide gap by nationality: 7.9% of foreign nationals were unemployed, as opposed to 2.5% of Icelandic nationals. During the first seven months of the year, the jobless rate averaged 9.3% among foreign nationals and 2.7% among Icelanders, and unemployment among foreigners has increased YoY each month since autumn 2023.
As a consequence, fewer people migrate to Iceland, and the labour force is growing more slowly than before, at a time when a slack has developed in the labour market. These two factors pull against one another: a smaller labour supply curtails the slack in the market, while a smaller population dampens aggregate demand.
The two measures of unemployment
The two measures of unemployment have long told the same story, although they do not measure exactly the same thing. SI’s labour force survey (LFS) is a random sample survey, and the results fluctuate more from month to month than the Directorate of Labour’s (DoL) registered unemployment rate, which is based on the number of jobless persons registered with the Directorate. The two are defined differently as well. In order to be included in the DoL’s unemployment register, individuals must satisfy set requirements to be eligible for benefits. On the other hand, the LFS captures all those who were out of work during the reference week, have been looking for work in the past four weeks, and could begin work within two weeks, irrespective of whether they are entitled to benefits or not. Furthermore, the DoL register includes part-time unemployment, whereas the LFS does not.
When the two measures diverge, there is usually an explanation for it. During the pandemic, registered unemployment was far above the LFS-based jobless rate, with the difference between the two peaking at nearly 10 percentage points in spring 2020. This was due largely to the part-time unemployment benefits programme, which 37,000 employees had utilised by May of that year. Under that programme, workers maintained an employment relationship with their employer, but they reduced their working hours and received benefits to compensate for the reduction. As a result, they were considered employed for LFS purposes even though they were on the DoL’s unemployment register.
At the beginning of 2026, the two measures parted ways again, but in the opposite direction. The LFS began to show far higher unemployment than DoL figures did, with the difference peaking in May. That said, the greatest incongruity between measures tends to occur in May, when the LFS typically peaks, while DoL figures peak in mid-winter. In recent years, the widest gap between the two has often been in May. What makes 2026 unusual is not that the two measures should diverge, but that they should do so for such a protracted period of time. For five consecutive months – from January through May – the LFS-based unemployment rate was well in excess of registered unemployment figures; indeed, it is the first such episode in data going back to 2003 that the two measures of joblessness have diverged so sharply and for such a long interval. While this pattern has been seen before – in 2006, 2013, and 2014, for instance – on those occasions it did not persist this long.